Public Understanding of Science in India

 

 

 

Gauhar Raza, Surjit Singh,
PVS Kumar and Devashree Nayak

 

The history of science communication in India suggests that the first efforts to communicate modern scientific ideas (originating in the west) were made during the latter half of the nineteenth century. A number of science books largely from English were translated into Indian languages. Small groups, in the form of ‘science societies’ mushroomed in various parts of the country. Such groups held regular discussions on science subjects but their sphere of activities was confined to the upper ‘class’ and ‘caste’ intellectuals. Parallels could be drawn between what was happening in Europe in 17th and 18th century and the processes that lead to concerted efforts to disseminate science in India in the latter part of 19th and first half of 20th century. Their reach in terms of numbers remained quite limited neither did they make serious efforts to transform themselves into a large scale ‘science movement’.

The Freedom movement, though primarily political in nature, at times, operated as the carrier of modern scientific ideas. Serious efforts both at the level of the Government machinery and by the non-governmental organisations had to wait for the imminent Independence from the British Imperialism.

The dream of building a modern and industrialised India conceived by the leadership of the freedom struggle required technical manpower to be trained within the country in large numbers. A wider acceptance of scientific ideas in the society was a necessary precondition for achieving the goals that the leadership had set before the newborn Independent India. Phrases such as ‘scientific temper’ ‘broad scientific outlook’, ‘scientific belief system’ and ‘scientific method’ echoed repeatedly in various forums of debate. Use of news papers magazines and electronic medium (television network did not exist at that time) began for the dissemination of scientific information.

In the latter half of the fifties a large number of new books for teaching science in regional languages were written. The number of popular books on the various topics of science and related subjects swelled. Translating English texts posed two major problems, one that Indian languages culturally had a limited capability of expressing modern scientific ideas and secondly, there was an acute shortage of standard technical terms. These terms had to be coined, at times this was done mechanically and at others, recourse was taken to using familiar but inaccurate terms leading to obfuscation or in some cases incorporation of ‘anglicised’ terms into the local languages.

A few members of the Communist Party of India and some social reformers who were political positioned to ‘left of the centre’ realised the importance of communicating science to the people in their own mother tongue (Joshi P.C, 1993). They were probably the first to recognise that communicating science to the masses could serve two important objectives, one that, the propagation of scientific ideas could be an instrument for raising the consciousness of the people and the other that, they could help the 'left', reach newer sections of society specially the younger generations. Thus here they saw possibilities of enlarging the mass base of the political movement itself.

Efforts to organise science writers in Kerala began in 1957 but they failed to produce any worthwhile results. In 1962 the Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad (KSSP) was formed. What was initiated as a small group of thirty science writers and social reformers eager to disseminate science through print medium got transformed into a region-wide science movement in the southern state of Kerala. It is necessary to point out here that similar activities were going on in many other parts of the country. In Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and Assam, science writers associations were involved in publishing popular science books and journals.

Inspired by the success of the KSSP a number of other states saw the emergence of science activists’ groups during the seventies. The local needs and issues did influence the very nature and structure of these organisations. It was only in the beginning of the eighties that the need to create a network of these organisations was felt strongly (Science as Social Activism, KSSP, 1984). For consolidating the formal and informal links between various fraternal groups an all India level activity had to be conceived. KSSP had already prepared the ground for such an event. They had, by the mid- eighties, spread the area of their activities into neighbouring states. In 1985, a workshop of NGOs identified the issues of common concern and interest, which were later to become the basis for long-term co-operation among them. These were ‘self-reliant technology policy of the country', 'peace and nuclear disarmament', 'Bhopal gas tragedy and popularisation of science’. The national co-ordination committee started calling itself ‘People’s Science Movement (PSM)’- which later transformed into All India Peoples Science Network (AIPSN).

PSM which was constituted by a hand full of organisations namely, KSSP, Delhi Science Forum (Delhi), Eklavya (Madhya Pradesh), Madhya Pradesh Vigyan Sabha (Madhya Pradesh), Pondicherry Science Forum (PSF)(Pondicherry), Lok Vigyan Sangathana (Maharashtra), Tamil Nadu Science Forum(TNSF) (Tamil Nadu), Karnataka Rajya Vignana Parishath(KRVP) (Karnataka), expanded its base rapidly by chalking out and executing a national level action plan known as ‘Jan Vigyan Jatha’ (Peoples’ Science Campaign).

 

A Massive Science Procession

KSSP had evolved a novel method of mass contact programme. Besides publishing books and journals on issues of science and running science clubs through out the year they also held Science Jathasi or ‘science processions’ every year. In 1970, for the first time, after the annual conference of KSSP the delegates took out a procession in the city of Ernakulam. Subsequently, it became a regular feature to organise public lectures by scientists over a period of about a month through out the state. Groups of scientists travelled in cars and were received by local reception committees who were responsible for organising the lectures in their area. Often, the travelling ‘Jaths’ reached the venue of the public meeting late. Thus the local committees slowly, started producing short plays and songs on various science issues that were performed before the main event. Gradually, a shift in the conceptual framework came about and ‘Science Jathas’ were transformed into ‘Kala Jathas’.

The phrase ‘Kala Jatha’ when translated into English language would mean a ‘Cultural Procession’. It is interesting to note that the name itself underlines the nature of the shift in the conceptual framework. Science, in a planned manner, was now communicated through traditional as well as modern art forms, such as songs, street theatre and poster exhibitions. For this purpose, artists, scientists, teachers, students, social workers, and unemployed youth were mobilised. Training workshops were held and modules for two-three hour performances on socially relevant issues were prepared every year. Groups of these trained activists travelled through out the state and performed in almost every village where local reception committees constituted for the purpose, organised cultural programmes. Recalling the experience of 1977 Thomas Isaac in one of the his books recorded that the "Jatha consisted of a group of science activists who toured (through) the length of Kerala for 37 days (stopping) at three to four centres a day". The first Jatha performed at 900 places and contacted more than half a million people and sold pamphlets worth more than Rs. 25,000ii , thereafter ‘Kala Jathas’ became a regular and significant activity of KSSP.

 

Bharat Jan Vigyan Jatha: a National Science Movement

It was against this background that the proposal to stage an all India ‘Jatha’ was first mooted by the Lok Vigyan Sangathana (Maharashtra) representatives during a meeting of the “Co-ordination Committee of the Campaign for Peace and Against Nuclear War” in 1986. A few PSM groups were also participating in the meeting. This suggestion caught their imagination and they resolved to take the plunge (Report on Bharat Jan Vigyan Jatha, 1987). Preparatory work started soon after the meeting. The task of nucleating new groups in those parts of the country where science organisations were either weak or did not exist at all was initiated on a war footing. In the process a large number of new groups were formed and old defunct organisations were energised. In about ten months time the PSM had put in place the necessary network and began preparations for the campaign by holding a workshop for finalising the details of an event which has had no parallels in any other country. Twenty-six new and old science NGOs carefully worked out a detailed plan of action in a two-day meeting held in the month of April ‘87. A detailed perspective plan was also prepared in the same meeting, epitomised in the form of three slogans, Science for the People, Science for the Nation and Science for Discovery.

In the following months and weeks workshops were held around conceived themes, lectures, play scripts and songs were written, slide shows and poster exhibitions were prepared, films were produced, science toys, games, experiments, and exhibits were collected and created. Volunteers were drawn from among the artists, writers, poets, scientists, teachers, physicians (medical practitioners) and unemployed youth. In order to cover all the five hundred districts of the country five teams of scientists and five cultural activists were constituted and trained to perform three to five hour programmes. Five such processions started on 2nd October 1987, from different parts of the country to culminate at Bhopal City on the first anniversary of the Bhopal Gas Tragedy. Each of these Jathas covered a distance of about 5000-kilometers in exactly thirty-seven days time. On an average they performed at three different districts in a day where reception committees had already been constituted. Millions of people were exposed to scientific information and issues of social relevance. Thousands of science activists joined the Peoples’ Science Movement. New local and regional science organisations came into being as a result of this intense mass campaign.

Some amount of financial help as seed money was granted by the Department of Science and Technology (DST), Government of India but the amount of financial and other resources generated by the local reception committees were far greater. The initial help given by DST was all that was needed to ignite the spark, but once things started to move they kept on picking up momentum

The strong national science movement that emerged as a result of ‘Bharat Jan Vigyan Jatha (National Peoples’ Science Procession)’ gave birth to many regional and national campaigns in subsequent years. National Literacy Campaign, Joy of Learning, Solar Eclipse Campaign, Anti-Superstition Campaign are just a few examples. Some of the social campaigns that have been cited in national and international forums as successful awareness programmes such as anti-arrak (anti-alcoholism) campaign could also be legitimately termed as ‘spin-off’ of the PSM activities.

 

Research on Public Understanding of Science

A small group of scientists at NISTADS, working on various aspects of science and technology policy who had been associated with the Bharat Jan Vigyan Jatha 1987, since the very inception of its idea, took the responsibility of organising the northern component of the ‘Jatha’ and travelled with other scientists and artist from Srinagar (Kashmir) to the City of Bhopal. During interactions with the people it was realised that there is no deficiency in the ‘urge to know about scientific issues’ among the people. However, when it came to the software modules used in the campaign, the responses were rather mixed. Some of the software packages were very popular throughout the campaign where as others did not invoke the same enthusiasm. This raised serious questions, such as ‘what kind of scientific information invokes greater receptivity among the people and why?’ This was the beginning, of a list of questions that warranted strenuous probing. In 1989 these questions were listed during an informal workshop of science communicators. A group was soon constituted in NISTADS (CSIR, India) with the objective to carry out research on Public Attitudes and Understanding of Science (PAUS).

A review of available literature on the subject proved to be of help but only to a limited extent. Most investigations, on the subject available at that time, carried out in the west were directed towards measuring the levels of scientific literacy of the target population. However such studies, depending upon preconceived scales categorised the populace into ‘scientifically literate’ and ‘scientifically illiterate’. The tools and methodologies developed for carrying out large-scale PAUS survey studies in the western cultural context were found to be inadequate (M. Rose. 1991). The group decided to carry out a survey study and the 'kumbh mela' at Allahabadiii , a religio-cultural festival held in 1989, provided a novel opportunity for such an exercise (Bhattacharya, N. 1983). In the following years three more large-scale surveys, with the same objectives, were administered.

Administering the first survey at Allahabad was not an easy task, because the team members had to start virtually from the scratch (Raza, et el 1991), there was no precedence of such an exercise in the Indian context and, therefore, the survey also became an exercise in creating an Indian model for such studies.

The study was divided into four different stages of preparation before the survey proper could begin and these were

  1. Identifying disciplinary areas of knowledge,
  2. Selecting questions in each of these areas,
  3. Identifying a set of probable responses related to each question, and
  4. Identifying factors which are likely to influence the perceptions of the people such as age, region to which they belong, exposure to formal education, etc

 

Planning for training the surveyors

Planning primarily consisted of identifying the spheres where mistakes were most likely to occur in recording responses. In order to minimise these possibilities, it was necessary to word the questions and the possible answers in such a way that only accurate or near accurate responses would be recorded and possibilities of unclear responses being recorded would be reduced. This planning proved to be very useful especially for the later surveys.

The experience gained at Allahabad not only proved useful but also reduced the work load of identifying areas of knowledge, likely responses and factors that influence the attitude and understanding of the people.

 

Cultural Model of Public Understanding of Science

The surveys focussed on four areas of knowledge, astronomy and cosmology, geography and climate, agriculture and health & hygiene. Available literature focusing on opinion surveys conducted in the west showed that people, irrespective of their nationality, socio economic conditions or cultural backgrounds, are deeply interested in developments in the fields of health and hygiene (Durant 1991; Brike 1990; Durant 1992). This knowledge assumed special importance while interacting with the people at the Kumbh Mela (Raza 1991).

The other three areas of knowledge, that is astronomy and cosmology, geography and climate & agricultural practises, were selected in order to constitute a scale of complexity. Lightman and Miller had argued that despite development there were quite a number of irrational cosmological beliefs that were prevalent among the public in the western countries (Lightman, A. P., and J. D. Miller. 1989). Thus for comparison it was decided to include questions on cosmology in the schedule. The questions pertaining to these three areas for the Kumbh Mela survey were, by and large, retained, without many changes, in the subsequent surveys also, while necessary modifications were made and new questions added to the health and hygiene section of the Kumbh survey for the purpose of the subsequent surveys (Bhasin M.K., and Bhasin V, 1994).

The final questionnaire used for conducting interviews in Mangolpuri, Delhi (1991) and Ardh-Kumbh, Allahabad (1995) and Nepal (1996), contained 26 questions relating to the four disciplines of scientific knowledge instead of the 37 questions posed to the sampled population during the Kumbh Mela survey study. Each question, depending upon its nature, had been provided with two, three or four most probable answers. These answers could be classified into four categories, (1) scientifically correct or closest to scientifically correct, (2) naturalist or secular but scientifically incorrect, (3) extra scientific, which called upon divine powers, and (4) don’t know which showed a lack of confidence or concern about the phenomenon among the respondents. Significantly, the response ‘don’t know’ was an indicator of a gap in the cognitive structure of the target populace.

The four areas constituted a scale on which `astronomy and cosmology’ could be placed at the highest degree of complexity of abstract knowledge and the lowest degree of impact on human life. `Health and hygiene’ could be placed at the lowest level of complexity but a very high degree of direct impact on daily life and existence (Figure 1). In short, the scale defines the distance of an area from the field of immediate experience of ordinary people and this is largely determined by their socio cultural backgrounds, exposure to abstract scientific knowledge base required to understand these phenomena that constitute the area, the degree of possibility of control or intervention in the life cycle of a phenomenon and its likely positive or negative impact on human existence.

Other than the level of complexity involved in explaining a phenomenon a number of independent variables were included in the questionnaire such as domicile, residency period in Delhi (in the Mangolpuri survey only), age, gender, exposure to formal education, profession, mother tongue, expectation from education, access to communication channels and cultural interests of the respondents. These variables reflected the nature and the level of exposure to various systems of knowledge.

The factors inherent within the scientific knowledge system, such as complexity involved in explaining the phenomenon, duration of its life cycle, the control that an individual or a collective can exercise, and the intensity with which the phenomenon could influence the life of common citizens, are the most important factor that determine cultural distanceiv . It was also observed earlier that as the extent of inherent mathematical obscurity and conceptual contortion required for explaining a phenomenon increases, the pace of its propagation reduces progressively (Raza et al. 1996).

A common citizen who has not been exposed to higher levels of mathematics and abstract scientific ideas is likely to invoke intuitive, cultural, or even religious explanations when confronted with a complex natural phenomenon (Raza et al. 1991). But such explanations offered by the populace cannot be construed as a measure of their scientific illiteracy or irrationality (Durant and Bauer 1992). Non-experts, including the illiterate segments of society, to a high degree, rely on scientific explanations and have often expressed confidence in the scientific community as was observed during a survey conducted in Delhi among plague-affected citizens (Raza, Dutt, and Singh 1997).

 

Fig 1: Cultural Model of PAUS

 

 

A Description of Three Survey Sites

In order to understand how varied the conditions are and why quite different strategies need to be employed for administering a survey in a third world country like India it would be appropriate to briefly describe three sites where the surveys were conducted. There are no luxuries of conducting scheduled interview through telephones in a developing country.

A Religious Congregation at Kumbh Mela – Allahabad 1989: The Kumbh Mela is a religious occasion, which has almost always had festive cultural dimensions. The Kumbh Mela is organised after a gap of every 12 years at a few selected Riverbanks considered sacred in India. The confluence of the mighty Ganga (Ganges) and the Yamuna at Allahabad called the Sangam is one of these (Battacharya 1956). Six years before and six years after each Kumbh Mela, the Ardh Kumbh (Half Kumbh) is also organised at all these sites. During the Melas, millions of people from different parts of the country, including the southern states, but mainly from the northern parts of India come to take a ritual dip in the waters of the river Ganga and stay at Allahabad to perform religious rituals.

A fairly good representative random sample of the northern belt, which otherwise, would have required a great amount of time, resources and money could be collected during this period. The place and occasion offered us an appropriate occasion to interview a large illiterate, rural, religious, Hindu population within a short span of ten days.

A large percentage of the sampled population was below or marginally above the so-called poverty line. Though economic status of the respondents was not recorded because it was observed that respondents hesitate to answer such questions and at times give a wrong figure about their income or assets, however a majority of those who were interviewed did not have even sufficient clothes to cover their body.

Settled Population in a Metropolitan Town, Delhi – 1990: In 1975, during the emergency, the then Government of India decided to clear out slums from central parts of Delhi and relocate the displaced population by providing them small dwelling units at the periphery of the metropolis. As a result, a number of new slum clusters were established in different parts of the city and Mangolpuri is one of them (Majumdar T.K., 1983).

Mangolpuri is today one of the largest resettlement colonies of Delhi. Besides those who were shifted from the central parts of the city, people from adjoining states as also from other parts of the city have been migrating to this colony resulting into a thick population density.

Mangolpuri is spread over a large area and comprises of 23 blocks bordered by three villages, and a long stretch of Industrial area. The residents of the colony have low economic status and are mostly industrial workers or those engaged in service or petty occupations like hawkers, shopkeepers, masons, auto-mechanics, etc. Many houses have small workshops operating out of them and employ almost the entire family aside from other help. Each block of Mangolpuri is inhabited by more than a 1000 families. The inhabitants of the colony have strong cultural roots & affinities to their rural places of origin and often visit their hometowns and villages, especially during the harvest season.

There is a network of small scale and cottage industries, scattered evenly in almost all the blocks. People who do not reside in the colony own these units. A number of them operate as ancillaries to big concerns situated in the nearby industrial townships. The small scale and cottage units were mainly related to the manufacturing of electric bulbs, shoes, lanterns, auto spare parts, electric irons, immersion rods, rubber pipes, handloom units, ready made garments, bindis, electronic components, etc. In addition to these units, there is a small area where there occupied by a large number of scrap stores dealing in rags and plastic waste.

Generally both men and women are engaged in some economic activity or the other. Men are mostly employed either within the colony or in the nearby areas, whereas the women are mostly occupied with various production activities at home. In most of the families all the adults irrespective of their gender were involved in income generating avocations, including school going kids who worked for a living after school.

Another Religious Congregation at Janakpur, Nepal – 1996: For the Janakpur survey in Nepal, the sampling units were drawn form those people who had come for a religious congregation (Adhikary K.M., 1993). For the people of Nepal this congregation is as importance as Kumbh Mela is for Northern parts of India. Thus, people from all parts of this hilly nation had come to attend the event. A majority of the population was from economically weaker sections of the society and had come there on foot covering large difficult terrains. They spoke various languages of the country. The questionnaire had to be translated in two languages that are more prevalent and enumerators who were multi lingual had to be recruited and trained in conducting the interviews. Only those above the age of 10 years were approached for scheduled interviews.

It should be pointed out here that in developing countries it is quite difficult, time consuming and expensive to carry out a public opinion surveys. Collecting a representative sample is not an easy task. Surveys through post or through telephone cannot be conducted as is done in most developed countries. Experience shows that an effort to administer a survey, more often than not, generates such abysmal response that the exercise is rendered meaningless. In any case this methodology excludes illiterate population out of the universe. Similarly, since a very limited segment of society has access to telephone, telephone-surveys have very limited purpose. Thus, with all their limitations and distortion introduced due to limited control that research team could exercise; interview schedules are still the most suitable method available to social scientists.

 

Survey Operations

For the purpose of administering the scheduled interviews, in 1989, sixteen young educated surveyors were engaged, their strength was subsequently raised to fifty in order to complete the task in time. One of the important criteria for the selection of these enumerators was their proficiency in the dialects prevalent in northern states of the country. Before sending the surveyors to the field, the purpose of the survey, the methodology and the precautions to be taken were discussed with them extensively. Discussions were held every morning, before the enumerators went out for the survey. They also gave a detailed report upon their return from the field. These de-briefing sessions helped in ironing out difficulties and in providing a holistic picture, of the field situation and of the responses being received, to the entire team. These meetings were very useful and important because they provided a continuous feedback to the core team and on-going training and appraisal to the surveyors. Each session was recorded on tape and this helped the core research team to decide the strategy for the next day.

Usually the surveyors were divided into groups of four and one among them was designated as group leader. The core team members, in addition to, supervising the survey operation, also formed a part of these survey teams. In order to gain first hand experience of conducting interviews and responses, the core team members conducted at least one interview every day.

Both the core team and the surveyors were absolutely unprepared for the response which they got on their first day on the field. The respondents usually abhorred us, not allowing distinct looking surveyors in `Pants and Shirts’, carrying files containing questionnaires to come near them.

Gently probing inquiries and information gathered over the next few days made us realise that the survey team members were initially taken to be a part of the government machinery supposedly operating with the objective of implementing something like `Forced Sterilisation’ [perhaps this reflected the excesses that they might have been subjected to during the emergency in 1975-76]. They were taken to be crooked government officials or local Mafia agents making an attempt to grab their lands who would make them sign or put their thumb impressions on certain papers. At least, one out of three potential respondents explicitly expressed these fears as reasons for their distrust. Other research teams engaged in large-scale surveys in rural India have also faced similar problems (Aggarwal 1986). This shows that a common rural citizen instinctively perceives the educated city dweller or government officials as eminently avoidable corrupt oppressive creatures.

Despite such initial reactions from potential respondents, the operation was successful because the progress of the survey and performance was reviewed on a daily basis and immediate remedial measures were taken.

After obtaining feedback from surveyors, strict instructions were given to all the enumerators not to be overbearing and aggressive and never to be found wanting in showing respect to the respondents. They were also asked to be frank, open and friendly with the respondents and to avoid at all costs any remarks which may offend. In addition to the above instructions, an element of motivation by promising gifts through a lottery system was also introduced. The strategy of introducing a lottery and insistence on making a concerted effort to convince people of our objective paid dividends.

In the questionnaire the first few questions pertained to astronomical and cosmological phenomena, it was observed that the respondents felt comparatively comfortable if the interviews were initiated by discussing something related to agriculture or health and hygiene. This helped in overcoming the initial barrier to enter into a dialogue with the respondents. Generally, the questions relating to astronomy were asked towards the end of the interview. However, the surveyors were instructed to be flexible in selecting the sequence of the questions.

The surveyors were asked not to hurry up while interviewing respondents because the tendency to fulfil a target often results in recording spurious data. A sufficient number of women surveyors were also engaged because it was observed that women felt shy of talking to male surveyors.

All those surveyors who were found to be conducting surveys at variance with the given instructions, during surprise checks in the field were asked to quit and questionnaires filled in by them were weeded out. In all about four hundred such questionnaires were rejected.

 

Cognitive Realms of Public Understanding of Science

Based on the panel studies conducted at various points of time and space we wish to summarise the results of our surveys in the following lines:

1. Scientifically valid Explanations: Out of a set of seven questions constituting the area of astronomy and cosmology posed to each respondent, in the four surveys, five were common. Similarly, in the area of geography, agriculture and health such common knowledge questions were six, four and two respectively.

Analysis of the data revealed that in all the four samples the percentage of those who could offer a scientifically valid explanation progressively went down with the rising level of complexity of the phenomena being discussed. In response to the first question relating to the rotundity of earth the percentage of the correct answers was quite high among urban and rural samples. The analysis showed that in response to the last question ‘how did human beings evolve?’ the percentage of those who knew about Darwin’s theory of evolution dropped to as low as 2.8% among Mangolpuri respondents. In the Kumbh sample none of the respondents could offer a valid explanation. It was also quite evident that among the metropolitan and urban populace the segment of respondents who offered correct explanations was consistently larger than a similar sub-set of the rural sample except for the question relating to gravitational force. The study carried out in Nepal showed the same results.

However it was evident that the percentages of scientifically correct responses were substantially higher for the areas of health and hygiene and agriculture, when compared with the former two, i.e., astronomy & cosmology and agriculture. This reflects inadequacy of information and cognition on phenomena like astronomy and geography which are at a larger distance from the respondents’ field of experience when compared to health and agriculture which are a part of daily experience.

While comparing the response percentages in the areas of health and hygiene and agriculture we find that for the urban sampled population, health related issues could be placed at the nearest end of the scale where as agriculture scored the next rank. Among the rural populace a similar comparative analysis shows that the percentage of correct explanation was relatively higher in the area of agriculture, which again confirms the hypothesis put forward by the PAUS group at NISTADS.

While comparing the scientifically correct response behaviour of the two Kumbh Mela samples it was found that the knowledge base of those who were interviewed in 1995, owing to the relatively higher degree of exposure to modern education in recent years was comparatively broader in all the four selected areas. The knowledge base of the populace on issues of agricultural practices was found to be high among those who constituted Ardh-kumbh sample when compared with the earlier sample. The individuals who had come to the Ardh-kumbh were predominantly residents of the small towns or villages. Unlike a metropolitan city such as Delhi, agriculture, despite other prevalent occupations, is still the mainstay of economic activity in the small towns of India and even those who adopt professions other than farming belong to an agrarian culture. In a social milieu of this nature, it is evident that exposure to education reinforces the scientific and technological knowledge base of people in the area of agriculture.

2. Scientifically Incorrect Explanations: Those explanations that neither invoked supernatural powers nor were scientifically valid were categorised as scientifically incorrect. Analysis of data showed that in the area of astronomy and cosmology keeping the 1989 data set counts as reference points, the percentage of those who offered explanations based on intuition, had gone down among respondents in the three samples collected in the latter years. A similar trend was observed in scientifically incorrect responses plotted for the area of agriculture and health. However in the area of geography and climate the curves showed a reversal of the trend. The percentage of these types of responses was higher at each data point in the Ardh-kumbh sample when compared with 1989 data set. The percentage of scientifically invalid but materialist explanation was found to be comparatively low especially in the sample gathered at Ardh-kumbh in 1995. The data analysis also revealed that as the complexity of the phenomena increased these percentages rapidly increased across the questions posed in all the areas of scientific investigation. Notably the inclination to offer intuitive explanations was less prevalent among the metropolitan and semi-urban populace as compared to the rural sampled population.

3. Extra-Scientific Explanations: The explanations that invoked divine powers, mapped in terms of percentage of the total responses, increased as the phenomena involved required a higher degree of socialisation in scientific field to imbibe counter intuitive interpretations. With an increase in the complexity of the question posed it was evident that the populace tended to offer explanation which rely on extra-scientific structures of thinking. Although we have presently clubbed all the responses that summoned supernatural powers together, it was observed that explanations, which had materialist undercurrents such as ‘eclipse is caused due to accumulation of sins committed by human beings’ or ‘earth rests on the back of tortoise or bull’s horn’ or ‘lightning strikes an impious person’ became sparse as the complexity compounded. Nevertheless, with these characteristics common to all the three samples, it was apparent that rural populace responded with extra-scientific explanations in larger percentages when compared to the urban and metropolitan sampled population.

4. Response ‘Do not Know’: The experience of carrying out interviews during large scale surveys shows that the reply ‘don’t know’ is an expression of respondent’s nonchalance, apprehension to share views on the subject or complete ignorance about occurrence of the phenomena under consideration. Nonetheless, it is indicative of a knowledge gap. Thus, the response behaviour of those who said ‘don’t know’ was, for two reasons, of special importance to the research team. On the one hand this section of respondents seems to be most vulnerable to acquire information and accept interpretations, whenever needed, from any or all systems of thought depending upon their accessibility. On the other hand, since the percentages of this segment in all the three samples were substantially high a closer look at the emerging pattern may help planners and communicators to formulate sharply defined effectual intervention strategies.

In the areas of Astronomy and geography, the data analysis unveiled that, across all the three samples as the convolution involved in explaining the phenomena increased the percentage of those respondents who replied ‘Don’t know’ ascended considerably. It was also noted that the rate of rise of such a response was considerably high in the first two disciplines of science than in the latter areas of knowledge. In the areas of ‘agriculture’ and ‘health’ the percentage of this response remained almost constant and comparatively low when set against the percentages computed for astronomy and geography. The area of health scored the lowest on percentage scale as far as ‘Don’t Know’ response is concerned. This shows that our hypothesis that the area of astronomy occupies the farthest end of the distance scale and the other extreme is filled with questions related to area of health is well grounded.

The curves plotted also show that among the rural sampled population a low percentage of respondents said ‘don’t know’. Among residents of metropolitan town the percentage was found to be the highest in first three selected areas. In the area of health and hygiene urban populace scored the lowest followed by the metropolitan sample. Among the rural respondents those who said ‘Don’t Know’ in response to questions relating to health, percentage-wise constituted the largest segment of the total sample. This shows that in an area of knowledge which is close to the quotidian life of the populace the degree of accessibility to modern system of education and exposure to channels of media reduces the knowledge gap. However, the distribution of percentages against questions relating to agricultural practices reveals that a shift in socio-cultural, technological and occupational environment has a direct bearing on the void in awareness. In this area the percentage of ‘Don’t Know’ answers was the lowest among the rural populace and it was substantially high among the urban set of respondents followed by the residents of the metropolis. Except for the area of health in all other disciplines the percentage distributions showed that a reduction in scientifically invalid answers or extra-scientific explanations did not result in a corresponding increase in correct explanations but the shift was primarily towards the response ‘don’t Know’. The reason could be attributed to erosion of the traditional and experiential knowledge base, which does not necessarily result into an increase in scientific awareness but causes an increase in the cognitive knowledge gap.

 

Comparative sample characteristics of the populations

 

Fig 2: Gender

 

 

Fig 3: Education

 

Fig 4: Age

 

 

Fig 5: Occupation

 

 

Comparative average response percentages for four Kumbh Melas
(1989, 1995, 2001 and 2007)

 

Fig 6: Astronomy & Cosmology

 

 

Fig 7: Geography & Climate

 

 

Fig 8: Agriculture

 

 

 

Fig 9: Health & Hygiene

 

Concluding Remarks

It is important to reiterate at this stage that, the models of analysis, instruments and methodologies of data collection developed for measuring public understanding of science in the developed countries cannot be applied for carrying out PUS research in complex societies of the third world without significant modification.

On the basis of the analysis carried out by the group at NISTADS it could be conclude that the varied pace of incursion of modern technologies in peoples’ quotidian life is reflected in their structures of thinking. Migration of people from villages to small towns and metropolitan cities where they encounter a different cultural, technological and environmental locale resulting in a shift in their concerns and curiosity has corroded the traditional (Shils 1981) cultural and experiential knowledge base.

The cognitive breach, represented by an increase in ‘Don’t Know’ responses among the residents of towns and metropolitan cities are yet to be filled in by new complexes of thinking. The lessons to be drawn from this fact are far more serious than they appear to be at the first sight. The age-old tendency of the scientific community to confine themselves in the proverbial ivory towers of science laboratories needs to be reversed. Serious concerted efforts have to be made in order to fill the cognitive gap in the societies that are in transition by approaching the people through mass movements and other mediums. If science agencies and activists don’t map out strategies directed towards plugging the holes, in the cognitive structure of the masses, through dissemination of secular ideas, the forces perpetuating non-secular, anti-science or even fascist structures of thought are more than likely to occupy the vacant spaces.

It is quite evident from the data collected over the years that, the degree of access to modern education and occupation are important determinants of the respondent’s scientific awareness and perception, but in a predominantly agrarian environment such as that of small towns, despite a shift in professional careers, socialisation in modern education reinforces the already broad knowledge base in scientific disciplines that are closer to peoples’ daily life, for example agriculture and geography. This was not true for metropolitan environments where despite high levels of exposure to education peoples’ awareness about agricultural practices and geographical phenomena was comparatively low.

Plotting response percentages on the scale that defines the distance of an area from the field of experience of a common person leads to the conclusion that the hypothesis put forward in the introductory paragraphs that the farthest end of the distance scale is occupied by the area of astronomy and the other extreme is filled with questions related to area of health is well grounded.

The receptivity and retention of scientific information within peoples’ structure of thought, reduces as the distance of a scientific area, phenomena or experiential episode, from their quotidian life increases.

It is only in the absence of sufficiently broad scientific knowledge base that the populaces falls back on extra-scientific structures of thinking for seeking explanations of natural phenomena and hence, they cannot be categorised as mythical or superstitious.

 

 

 

 

 

References:

 

 

 

 

iJathas is word of Hindi language and in English language would mean processions

iiRs 25,000 was a substantially big sum during those days.

iiiAllahabad city is located in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh, India. The city has a special religious significance for Hindus because two rivers, Ganga andYamuna, converge there. The place of confluence is known as Sangam.

ivStudies show that the percentage of response to apparently similar questions in an area of scientific investigation varies a great deal. But the question that why does this percentage vary for target population with almost same demographic and educational level is never asked. See, for example, Lightman and Miller (1989). Surveys administered and reported in later years in Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, the United States, China, Japan, South Africa, and India also indicate a similar pattern. This phenomenon indicates that there are certain determinants that are intrinsic to scientific knowledge which impede or accelerate a specific peace of scientific information.

 

 

 

 

 

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